[.ca] Roman Arabia (ISBN 0674777565)

Excellent Resource for the Roman Near East:
Bowersock is concerned with establishing the importance of northwestern Arabia (Hejaz, Hisma, Shara, and Wadi Sirhan) as an integral factor to the overall strategic geography of the southeastern Mediterranean region, including Egypt and Syria-Palestine. It dominated crucial routes from Aqaba to Damascus (2) and from Petra to the prominent port of Gaza (22). The advantage of Nabataean lands has often been overlooked in the past because many did not realize the extensive dominion of the Nabataeans or the strategic advantages of their territory. Chapter three begins to specifically deal with the internal situation within Nabataean territory and the relationship between Rome and the Nabataeans and how Rome managed the desert regions of their eastern frontier. I do not think Bowersock is stressing any certain point over another, or necessarily attempting to "prove a point" as such. His goal is to integrate all available information for the purpose of enlightening understanding over this somewhat evasive subject. For example, Bowersock makes a good point by stating the there was no clear boundary demarcation in the desert regions, for it is "difficult to define clear boundaries within the wastes of the great Syrian Desert" (99). This leads to the question, "How did Rome manage the desert frontier?" Bowersock makes it clear that Rome did not establish itself in Nabataean Arabia without a strategy. They relied on Nabataean centers and fortifications already established. Some of the major Roman centers included Bostra, Petra, Characmoba, and Rabbathmoba (88). These would have provided necessary access to all of the important land routes, such as Wadi Sirhan in the northeast with its link to Damascus, the oases of Jawf and Azraq in the central area (98) and the Hejaz and Gulf of Aqaba in the south. It should be remembered that under Aretas IV, whom Bowersock refers to as "one of the greatest figures in the history of pre-Islamic Arabia," Petra reached its zenith in sedentarization and sophistication (64, 65). So how was a frontier that "blends into the desert" defined? At this point, Bowersock deals with a very important definition-"Limes Arabicus." The definition traditionally referred to a line of defense fortresses, such as those in Germany along the Rhine. Bowersock stresses that this was not the definition applied to Roman Arabia in the second and third centuries (103). There is an important distinction between "exterior limes" and "interior limes." The farther westward into the interior one traveled, the denser was the network of military installations. However, major military installations or garrisons were scattered in different areas throughout the farthest reaches, especially elevated areas for signaling purposes. Says Bowersock, "When we speak of the limes Arabicus in reference to the fortified frontier of Arabia, we are speaking of a fortified zone with in-depth protection" (105). It did not resemble a definitive line of fortresses, but a scattered pattern of military bases. This was necessary due to the nature of the region. It is necessary to realize that Rome also relied on Arab confederations to help maintain the Arabian limits (97, 108). From chapter VIII and following, Bowersock begins to shift his focus from Roman involvement in the east to the vital history and role that the Arabs played in this region. The administration of Septimius Severus in the east cannot be underestimated, especially the effects it had in making possible the elevation of Arabs to Roman politics. His marriage to a Syrian opened the door for Arab advantages (118). The pinnacle of this is seen in the first Arab emperor, M. Julius Philippus (AD 244-249), and the powerful Queen Zenobia of Palmyra. Palmyra was a strong force for Rome in the east, but the growing power of the Sassanid Persians was exemplified by a successfully short-lived campaign against the Palmyrenes in AD 259 (130). Says Bowersock, "Without the cooperation of the Arabs, the eastern provinces could not be maintained" (147). All the emperors from Pompey to Diocletian operated on this assumption, for the strong desert sheiks, being indigenous to this precarious region, were the only candidates who properly qualified for the job. Bowersock dealt with three other important topics in this book: Paul's ordeal in Damascus, Christianity in Arabia, and the extent of the influence of Hellenism in Arabia. He did not provide any substantial coverage of these topics, but he did have some interesting points to make. The attraction to Hellenism is best seen in Zenobia's style of living. It appears that she saw herself in the role of a Hellenistic queen, even presenting herself as Cleopatra on her campaign to Egypt (134). The inroads of Christianity can be seen by the conversion of Queen Mavia, the most celebrated of Arab converts during the reign of emperor Valens (141). In discussing Paul, Bowersock only mentions his escape from Damascus in relation to the reign of the powerful Nabataean king, Aretas IV. I was a little surprised that he did not deal with Galatians 1:17, where Paul states that he dwelt in "Arabia." This would have provided a good discussion on provincial names and boundaries. Many people think Paul traveled deep into the heart of what is now Saudi Arabia. But in light of Bowersock's topic, Paul most probably traveled to southern Transjordan, for that was considered a part of Rome's provincia Arabia. Another passage that would have provided insight into the discussion is Galatians 4:25, nowhere treated in this book. Here Paul mentions that Mount Sinai is in Arabia. Many scholars propose that this points to the western Saudi peninsula, but according to Bowersock, Sinai (modern Sinai Peninsula) fell within the bounds of what Rome considered Arabia (94, 184). This lends historical credence to the New Testament!

Entertaining scholarly study:
This book covers the history of the Roman province of Arabia from the foundation of the Nabatean kingdom of Petra (4th cenury BC ?) until the 4th century AD. It is a thorough and well documented (hundreds of footnotes !) scholarly study, based on primary sources, yet it reads very well. The reader accompanies the historian in his scientific work, examining old texts and coins and debating of possible hypotheses. The book assumes some knowledge of Roman history of the period, though: for example, the author alludes quickly to Severus Alexander and Elagabal without more information (the part on Septimius Severus is very developed). Also, some footnotes are in French or Ancient Greek, which may be difficult to read to some readers. Some parts, like the meticulous discussion of the borders of the province, are rather tedious. An interesting introduction to historical analysis.